The  friendship  between Carter  and  Obasanjo  became so warm  that  they  corresponded  almost  on  a  monthly basis, with   the   American   leader   regularly   sounding   out   his Nigerian counterpart on almost every matter important to his administration in relation to African countries. Obasanjo, a fiery pan-Africanist, pulled no punches as he tackled Carter on American policies on the explosive political situations in Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Namibia and South Africa. “It appeared that Obasanjo and Carter hit it off immediately. How a military head of state and a democrat struck that level of cordiality with such near unbelievable speed remains unclear. On 26 January, 1977, six days after he was sworn in as president, Carter wrote Obasanjo signalling his commitment to repair the damaged relations between his country and Nigeria: As I begin my duties as president of the United States, I want you to know that my administration will join all friends of Africa to help achieve real independence and further economic and social progress for all peoples of that continent. I recognisethat Nigeria has a special role to play, justified not only by her size and economic importance, but also through the special dedication of her leaders to the ideals of freedom, self-determination, equal rights, and development. Nigeria’s efforts to achieve these ends at home and abroad are widely known and respected. As a matter of immediate attention,I want to assure you that the United States remains deeply concerned about the situation in southern Africa. We are fullycommitted to continue the search for peaceful solutions to the problems of Rhodesia and Namibia. My administration will carry on the efforts already begun to bring about peace and justice in the region. In the future, we will use our influence and good offices wherever they may be best applied to accomplish this goal. The United States does not assume that the search for peace in southern Africa will be an easy one. Despite these difficulties,we believe that it is important to give diplomacy every chance to work. I have asked Secretary of State, Cyrus Vance, to be in touch with you separately to consult on future steps we might take, and ways in which we can work together to achieve solutions for southern Africa’s difficult problems. Obasanjo had earlier on 24 January  that  year  written the American president as follows: On behalf of myself, the government and people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, I should like to convey to you and to Mrs Carter sincere congratulations and good wishes on the occasion of your inauguration as the 39th president of the United States of America. Article Page with Financial Support Promotion Nigerians need credible journalism. Help us report it. Support journalism driven by facts, created by Nigerians for Nigerians. Our thorough, researched reporting relies on the support of readers like you. Help us maintain free and accessible news for all with a small donation. Every contribution guarantees that we can keep delivering important stories —no paywalls, just quality journalism. SUPPORT NOW x Do this later The people of Nigeria and the people of your great country share a common belief in the freedom, equality and dignity of man, in life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness and of a just society. It is our hope and conviction that the bonds of goodwill which have always existed between our two countries will be further strengthened under your able and enlightened presidency, and that the United States and Nigeria will continue to work together more closely than ever before for the mutual benefit of our peoples and the enhancement of the quality of human life, peace and international understanding. Please accept, Mr President, the expression of my highest consideration and esteem. Sixteen days later, on 9 February, 1977, Carter corresponded with Obasanjo again, thanking him for his “thoughtful and heartening message of good wishes” as he assumed his new responsibilities as president of the United States. “You have my assurance that the United States will continue its commitment to world peace and the strengthening of international cooperation,” the American President wrote to his Nigerian counterpart. “I want to strengthen the ties of friendship between the people of your country and ours.” From that point on, Obasanjo and Carter interacted frequently like brothers or equals, while Nigeria-US relations took on a more significantly positive direction, going forward. To strongly underline his commitment to constructively engaging with Nigeria and the rest of Africa during his tenure, Carter immediately dispatched Andrew Young, the US Ambassador to the United Nations, to meet with Obasanjo and a few other leaders on the continent, in the effort to hear their views about Africa’s problems and possible US-African cooperation at the United Nations. As Young arrived Lagos on 7 February, 1977, after a visit to Tanzania and a brief stop-over in Kenya, he delivered a letter from President Carter, dated 31 January, to Obasanjo detailing possible ways of easing the strained relations between Nigeria and the United States. The letter introduced Ambassador Young and reiterated the promises Carter made in his 26 January letter to Obasanjo to work for solutions to the problems of southern Africa. As a congressman, Young had also written to Obasanjo in early December and received a personal reply from the Nigerian leader. The  friendship  between Carter  and  Obasanjo  became so warm  that  they  corresponded  almost  on  a  monthly basis, with   the   American   leader   regularly   sounding   out   his Nigerian counterpart on almost every matter important to his administration in relation to African countries. Obasanjo, a fiery pan-Africanist, pulled no punches as he tackled Carter on American policies on the explosive political situations in Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Namibia and South Africa. Even though he was quick to become quite friendly with President Carter, the Nigerian head of state was equally quick to caution that the new diplomatic relations between Nigeria and the US would depend on America’s attitude to the political impasse in southern Africa. “We in Nigeria expect that a new chapter will be opened in the relations between our two countries and Ambassador Young will confirm to you our determination to maintain the momentum generated by African confidence in the present American administration based on a careful analysis of the past record and pronouncements of its leadership,” Obasanjo wrote in his 22 March, 1977 reply to the 31 January letter to him by President Carter, which was hand delivered by Ambassador Young: “It is my hope therefore that the confidence will be justified by the actions of your government in southern Africa in the weeks immediately ahead.” He then called on the American President to partner him in taking immediate steps to resolve the protracted crises in Zimbabwe and Namibia. The two leaders continued to engage on these matters and things went so smoothly between them that Obasanjo became, arguably, one of Carter’s closest confidants, especially on African-related matters. The American leader apparently found the frequent interactions with his Nigerian counterpart interesting, insightful and enlightening. And soon, he became desirous of a face-to-face meeting with Obasanjo. At 6 p.m. Nigerian time on 12 May, 1977, one of Carter’s top appointees, Richard Cooper, arrived Lagos from Washington. He ate dinner that night at the residence of the then US ambassador to Nigeria, Donald Easum. The following morning, Cooper, an under-secretary of state for economic affairs, executed his principal mission for visiting the world’s most populous black nation. At a breakfast meeting with Joseph Garba, Nigeria’s commissioner for external affairs, Cooper delivered President Carter’s message inviting Obasanjo on a state visit to the US in October that year. A formal letter conveying that invitation was later delivered to the Nigerian head of state on 6 June, 1977.  “Under Secretary Cooper has informed me of the good talks that he had with members of your government during his recent visit to Nigeria,” Mr Carter wrote in the four-paragraph letter. He continued: I appreciate their receiving him to discuss matters that are of such great importance to both our countries. I am sorry that you were not able to meet with Andy Young at this time, but we fully understand the scheduling difficulties that made this impossible. At my request, Mr Cooper extended an invitation to you through Commissioner Garba to visit the United States this coming October. I would like now to confirm that invitation formally and add my sincere personal hope that you will be able to accept it. The range of issues that involve Nigeria and the United States goes far beyond economic matters. We are both deeply concerned with the prospects for peace, justice and stability in Africa and about world peace generally. I am sure that personal contacts will enable both of us to discharge our responsibilities more effectively. In the meantime, I want to express my great regard and appreciation for the dynamic and constructive role that Nigeria is playing. We, too, have accepted heavy responsibilities, especially regarding the affairs of southern Africa, where our two countries share common goals. I have instructed Easum to keep you well informed on our activities and to relay to me any advice that you might have to offer. My wife and I look forward to seeing you this autumn. The letters between Obasanjo and Carter indicate how hugely influential Nigeria was in world affairs at the time. Obasanjo was firm and friendly. Carter made sure to court him consistently and to regularly reassure him of America’s support for matters dear to Nigeria, in particular, and Africa, in general. In one letter of 1 June, 1978, Obasanjo was acerbic as he accused the West, including the United States, of seeking to destabilise Africa. That missive was triggered by developments around the Zairian (Congo) crisis of 1978… After Obasanjo wrote to Carter accepting the invitation, the White House announced the proposed visit to the American public on 12  September, 1977. While preparations for the visit continued in Washington DC and Lagos, Obasanjo and Carter continued to strengthen their bond through regular correspondences. On Monday, 10 October, 1977, Obasanjo and his party flew into Washington, landing at the Andrews Air Force Base at 5 p.m. American time. The Nigerian leader was accompanied by the Commissioner for External Affairs, Joseph Garba; a member of the Supreme Military Council and Commander of the Army’s Second Division, Major General Martin Adamu; Principal Secretary to the Head of State, Mohammed Arzika; and Ambassadors Olujimi Jolaoso (the Nigerian Ambassador to the US), Haruna ibn Musa and Joseph Abe Oladele Aladiri (director of the Africa Department at the Ministry of External Affairs).After a brief arrival ceremony at the airport, a waiting motorcade transported the Nigerian delegation to Blair House, the Guest House of the President of the United States, primarily used to host visiting dignitaries and other guests of the American leader. At 10:30 a.m. the following day, Obasanjo was hosted to the full honours arrival ceremony of the White House, followed by a meeting with President Carter thirty minutes later. The two leaders discussed matters concerning the political crises in Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Angola, Namibia and South Africa, which had earlier on soured relations between the two countries. At the meeting, Carter confessed his admiration of Obasanjo and praised the Nigerian leader for “the improvement in relations between our two countries, and for our friendship. In the past, the United States’perception of Africa was not well informed, nor was it accurate. We value the visit of Nigeria because we value its advice and counsel, and because we feel that we can go forward on this basis for the benefit of the peace and prosperity of Africa. We have looked forward to your visit, not only to strengthen the strong bonds which tie us at present, but to work towards an improved relationship for the future.” He described Obasanjo as a courageous fighter for liberty and independence and a distinguished military man in war, who had also proven to be a distinguished military leader in peace. In his remarks, Obasanjo said, “My delegation and I are grateful for this opportunity to exchange views on international and bilateral issues. We must note that this opportunity would not have been possible without your will and determination, and the policies of your government that enabled it to occur. In the past, the policies of US administrations have left Africa disappointed. I wish you to understand, with respect to any reaction you may get from Africans which is less than enthusiastic, that the taste of disappointment needs time to disappear under the influence of the sweet taste of action. “Therefore, if you are met with doubts in spite of your good intentions, you should understand this residue of distrust. We have concluded that, unlike past American administrations, your Administration has a distinct feature: it has had  a definite African policy from its conception. We appreciate this change, although sometimes distortions appear in the press which hide the truth.” He described his visit to the United States as marking a new and favourable tone in the efforts to foster cooperation and amity between Nigeria and Mr Carter’s country. As Obasanjo flew back to Nigeria on 15 October, 1977, Carter began preparations to embark on a reciprocal visit to Nigeria at the invitation of his Nigerian counterpart. From 31 March to 3 April, 1978, Mr Carter and his wife were guests of the Nigerian  government,  the  first State Visit by an American President to sub-Saharan Africa. The US president said that visit provided him an opportunity to witness, first-hand, the aspirations, achievements and problems of contemporary Africa. In the course of the visit, the two Heads of State, in private and in the open, discussed bilateral and international issues – especially the fratricidal conflicts raging at the time in the Horn of Africa and the horrendous state of affairs in southern Africa – Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Namibia and South Africa. In-between the visits and until Obasanjo left office on 1 October, 1979, the Nigerian head of state and his American counterpart continued to exchange interesting correspondences, with Carter continually lavishing Obasanjo with praises. In one letter dated 12 November, 1977, he described Obasanjo’s leadership of Nigeria as inspirational. In another written on 4 April, 1978, the American leader, after appreciating the beautiful leather hassocks and fabric Obasanjo gave him in Lagos, pronounced the Nigerian leader’s efforts at developing Nigeria as ‘most impressive’.  “Under your leadership, Nigeria is showing the way to solving African problems,” Carter wrote. “I hope that you sense the great importance which I attach to our continuing close relationship and to expanding the ties between our two countries. The bilateral economic working groups which we discussed should help us carry this work forward. Then I will count on you to contact me personally should you see any problem arising in expanding our cooperation. I value greatly our personal friendship and look forward to receiving your thoughts and advice.” The letters between Obasanjo and Carter indicate how hugely influential Nigeria was in world affairs at the time. Obasanjo was firm and friendly. Carter made sure to court him consistently and to regularly reassure him of America’s support for matters dear to Nigeria, in particular, and Africa, in general. In one letter of 1 June, 1978, Obasanjo was acerbic as he accused the West, including the United States, of seeking to destabilise Africa. That missive was triggered by developments around the Zairian (Congo) crisis of 1978, in which France, Belgium, United States and Morocco teamed up with the Zairian Army to resist the invasion of the key Zairian cities of Shaba and Kolwezi by Cuban/Soviet-backed Katanga rebels. The Nigerian leader’s letter to his American counterpart reads as follows: Dear President Carter, Further to my letter of the 20th of April of this year, and your reply of the 18th of May (1978) which I have greatly appreciated, I am delighted that the momentum thus far established in our bilateral relations has been maintained through the useful meeting of officials from our two countries that took place recently in the United States. The primary purpose of the present letter, however, is to express to you our grave concern about the extremely ominous and disquieting developments on the African continent as a whole since your last visit, about which, from all indications, you are equally concerned. First, we seem nowhere nearer a solution to the longstanding problems of independence in Zimbabwe and Namibia and, in my view, time is not on our side if the continuing tragedies in the loss of human lives and the massive destruction of property must be halted. It seems to us imperative, therefore, that America’s positive role in the two areas mentioned above should be kept up if a dangerous impasse must be avoided, with all the generalised disillusionment that would then occur. But what is perhaps even more disturbing, however, is that the security situation in Africa has suddenly taken a turn for the worse in the last few months, and we in Africa have now begun to ask ourselves whether interests alien to the continent have now decided once again to re-colonise Africa. Armed with your very comprehensive sources of information and when you reflect dispassionately over the current events in Africa: whether in Western Sahara, Tchad, Djibouti, or Zaire, where the French legion are now actively engaged in combat activities; or whether in Angola or in Ethiopia where Cuban/Russian intervention  is  equally  clearly  in  evidence,  –  the  overall  picture is  certainly  more  than  enough  cause  for  anxiety.  But  the  most recent case of Zaire is perhaps the most disturbing, considering the impetuous haste with which the western powers rushed to intervene militarily and to underscore Africa’s helplessness, in a situation that called for utmost caution and restraint. Consequently, the result as we now know it was an enormous loss of lives that could have been avoided if only good sense prevailed and negotiations were employed. But more ominous still, your excellency, are the recent moves in Paris and elsewhere, of which you are of course fully aware, to forge new instruments and devise new methods for naked aggression, and to re-colonise Africa, under the guise of a collective security arrangement embracing a few hand- picked collaborators on the African continent. We are most disturbed by these developments, and by all other attempts to destabilise Africa, be they from the east or from the west, because Africa’s greatest ambition is to be left alone to settle her own internal disputes her own way, and to develop her natural resources for the well-being of her peoples, of course with the cooperation of all well-meaning and genuine partners the world over. These are continental ambitions that will never be achieved in the present circumstances, if forces beyond the continent should make the realisation of our dreams a futility. We will resist such moves by all means. It is important to remark here that most of the teething problems of Africa that have been so seriously aggravated by foreign intervention are primarily of a socio-economic character, which are bound to disappear with the passage of time. It is in these areas that assistance should be given to Africa to ensure stability and lastingpeace. I have written at such length and in such detail, in order that you may be left in no doubt at all about our deep concernwith the current state of affairs in Africa, with particular reference to peace and stability, in the hope that you will do all that lies in your power to stem the menacing tide of African recolonisation under the guise of collective defence for Africa. For the rest, Mr. President, please permit me to express to you our very best wishes for your good health, and for the peace, happiness and continued prosperity of the good people of the United States of America. It was not only on the Zairian crisis that Obasanjo disagreed sharply with Carter. In one case, the American president had written Obasanjo on 16 August, 1978, informing him of his plan to hold a meeting in Camp David with President Anwar Sadat of Egypt and Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel, whose countries were then locked in a fierce battle after the Israel Defence Forces captured the Sinai Peninsula from Egypt in a six-day war – a development that sparked intense tension in the Middle East. Carter responded 20 days later explaining the circumstances that motivated the United States and its allies to intervene in Zaire, while allaying Obasanjo’s fears that a possible recolonisation of Africa was in the making. The 20 June, 1978 letter goes: I  appreciate  the  opportunity  afforded  by  your  letter  of  June 1 to exchange views with you on recent events in Zaire and the initiatives which the United States has supported to deal with both the immediate and longer-term problems of that troubled nation. I would also like to share with you my thoughts on the broader problem of outside influence in Africa. The frankness of your letter was most welcome and I will reply in the same spirit. First of all, I want to reassure you on the nature and intent of our participation in the Shaba operation and in future efforts to restore the stability of Zaire. Our initial decision to provide support to the air rescue mission at Kolwezi was based on humanitarian concerns. Subsequent events proved this concern to be tragically warranted. This support was provided at the express request of the government of Zaire. The situation now existing in Shaba could trigger economic collapse, regional fragmentation and widespread suffering throughout Zaire. If the economic life of Shaba is to be restored and a further breakdown in order avoided, there must be a more effective military presence there than the Zairian army is able to provide. It is clearly undesirable that French and Belgian forces remain there indefinitely. Some African states have offered to take theirplace. At the request of all involved, we facilitated this exchange of units by providing a limited U.S. airlift. In view of theurgency of Zaire’s economic and security problems, we attended a meeting in Paris on June 5 to discuss them with the French and other concerned European governments. I assure you that our focus is strictly on the present situation in Shaba. I have never considered supporting or participating in a pan-African force and I would look on any moves to re-colonise Africaas both foolish and dangerous. We attended the June 13-14 meeting in Brussels to consider, with the government of Zaire, longer range plans for internal reform and economic recovery. It is impossible to imagine any benefit that might follow to Zaire or to Africa from a repetition of the internal chaos which plagued Zaire in the early and mid-1960s and with which you are so personally familiar. We share however with your government concerns about the practices and policies of the Zaire government. Our purpose is not simply to support the status quo. Fundamental reform must be an integral part of any lasting solution to Zaire’s difficulties, and we intend to link firmly to reforms the assistance we may be able to lend. There is a pressing need for reconciliation between Zaire and Angola and for a negotiated agreement between them that each will respect their common border and will not contribute to the other’s internal unrest. The United States strongly supported your efforts to mediate such an agreement after the first invasion of Shaba. We quietly encouraged the January Angola-Zaire talks in Brazzaville. Some progress was made and I believe a resumption of mediation efforts would be constructive at this time. I would appreciate your views on how the two parties might best be brought together for substantive negotiations. As we have discussed before, the United States fully supports Africa’s desire to be free from outside influence and is committed to support African states working through the OAU in seeking solutions to major issues. Recent developments in Zaire have not altered this commitment. We cannot, however, ignore the activities of the Soviet Union and Cuba. Though these activities may sometimes coincide with the legitimate aspirations of Africans, they are, in our view, directed primarily toward enhancement of Moscow’s and Havana’s own special interests. They seem to prefer military solutions, which pit African against African, take human lives and prolong suffering, rather than peaceful settlements which can bring lasting stability. Soviet overarming of Somalia directly contributed to the conflict in the Ogaden. This, I have had to conclude, was the case also in Shaba. We are persuaded by the evidence that Cuban personnel worked closely with the Katagans in the weeks and months preceding the attack on Kolwezi. Soviet and Cuban aggravation of local disputes should be of real concern to the international community and to all African nations, since it interjects an unnecessary and dangerous east-west competitive element into the continent. Our reaction to the Shaba problem was not, however, one of reflexive anti-communism or cold war politics. It was based on humanitarian concern and respect for the principle of economic and political integrity of a legitimate African government. The efforts of the OAU to deal with the Shaba conflict, as well as those in Eritrea, the Ogaden, Chad and the Spanish Sahara, have thus far been of little avail, despite constructive efforts by many African governments. Left to fester they are an open invitation to outside involvement. I hope the Khartoum meeting will produce effective African solutions and I would welcome your advice and views on how the serious political and economic problems which confront Africa can be solved within the OAU and African community. Recent events in Zaire have in no way diminished our commitment to our common efforts to bring about a peaceful transition to majority rule in the countries of southern Africa. These efforts have been and remain the paramount concern of U.S. policy in Africa. Here again, however, I would point out that despite direct requests, the Soviet Union has never supported our efforts to find negotiated solutions for Zimbabwe and Namibia. Ambassador Low and John Graham are currently in Rhodesia, seeking to convince the Salisbury group that the interests of their people  are  best  served  by  entering  into  direct  negotiations  with the Patriotic Front. Ambassador Low and Mr. Graham will also travel to other southern African capitals for discussion with front line and Patriotic Front officials. We continue to believe that the inherent weaknesses of the Salisbury agreement will become even more apparent in the coming weeks and that the participants in the so-called interim government will recognise the need to enter into negotiations through our proposal for an all-parties meeting, which you and I discussed in Lagos. I have been encouraged by the outcome of the recent Luanda meeting of frontline leaders and SWAPO. It should be possible forthe contact group to resume shortly its discussions with SWAPO and other interested parties. South Africa’s unjustified and unfortunate May 4 attack on Cassinga has caused a serious interruption to the five’s efforts, but we hope that we can soon solve the remaining problems and reach our objective of concluding an agreement on Namibia. In my speech at the U.S. Naval Academy last week, I publicly reconfirmed the basic commitment of the United States to affirmative policies in Africa that recognise African realities and aspirations. I called on all powers to join in emphasisingworks of peace rather than weapons of war in their assistance to Africa. Your counsel continues to be of immense value in thepursuit of this commitment. I look forward to hearing from you further. It was not only on the Zairian crisis that Obasanjo disagreed sharply with Carter. In one case, the American president had written Obasanjo on 16 August, 1978, informing him of his plan to hold a meeting in Camp David with President Anwar Sadat of Egypt and Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel, whose countries were then locked in a fierce battle after the Israel Defence Forces captured the Sinai Peninsula from Egypt in a six-day war – a development that sparked intense tension in the Middle East. The Six-Day War, also known as the Third Arab–Israeli War, raged from 5-10 June, 1967 between Israel and a coalition of Arab states, primarily comprising Egypt, Jordan and Syria. Carter’s invitations to Begin and Sadat was sequel to initial historic reconciliation meetings in Jerusalem and Ismailia nine months earlier.” This is excerpted from Chapter 25 of The Letterman: Inside the ‘Secret’ Letters of former Nigerian President, Olusegun Obasanjo by Musikilu Mojeed with the title, “Camaraderie and Clashes With President Jimmy Carter.” The book, which is available in bookstores across the country, and at Premium Times offices, can also be ordered from Amazon. Musikilu Mojeed is the Editor-in-Chief of Premium Times newspapers and Chief Operating Officer of the Premium Times Group. Support PREMIUM TIMES' journalism of integrity and credibility At Premium Times, we firmly believe in the importance of high-quality journalism. Recognizing that not everyone can afford costly news subscriptions, we are dedicated to delivering meticulously researched, fact-checked news that remains freely accessible to all. 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Барабанщик Dream Theater Майк Портной поделился 10 своими любимыми альбомами года. Музыкант зашел в свой официальный аккаунт в Instagram, чтобы поделиться публикацией о 10 альбомах, которые ему запомнились в 2024 году. Портной обязательно отметил, что резюме не находится в определенном порядке предпочтений. В его список вошли 10 альбомов: «The Last Will And Test» Opeth, «Absolute Elsewhere» группы Blood Incantation, «A Dream Is All We Know» группы The Lemon Twigs, одноимённый альбом Редда Кросса, «Melodies of Atonement» группы Leprous. ', "Life In The Wires" Frost*, Нил Морс и "No Hill For A Climber" группы The Resonance, Категория Одноименный альбом группы 7, «From Hell I Rise» Керри Кинга и «Keep Me Fed» группы The Warning. Еще в октябре стало известно, что Портной продолжил давать концерт с Dream Theater вскоре после того, как узнал, что его сестра, к сожалению, скончалась. После выступления группы на Arena Zagreb в Загребе, Хорватия, 29 октября, барабанщик отправился в Facebook, чтобы поделиться заявлением, которое гласило: «Примерно за 30 минут до начала выступления мне позвонил брат и сообщил, что моя любящая сестра Саманта Леоне Каттанео только что скончался». Портной вернулся в состав группы после 14-летнего отсутствия на праздничных концертах и ​​ушел в 2010 году. 16-й студийный альбом Dream Theater «Parasomnia» выйдет 7 февраля. Это будет их первая пластинка с одним из основателей группы Портным после «Dark Clouds & Silver Linings» 2009 года. В своем заявлении группа заявила, что предстоящий альбом «знаменует начало особой новой главы для нас, как для коллег по группе и как для братьев», добавив: «Этот альбом представляет собой не только наш рост как музыкантов, но и путешествие, которое мы вместе отправились. последних четырех десятилетий». Портной ранее сказал фанатам, что Dream Theater «потрясены» новой музыкой, которую они создали, и подразнил: «Мы не можем дождаться, когда вы все это услышите… но терпение, все раскроется в свое время…» Позже барабанщик поделился подробностями того, чего можно ожидать от альбома. «У нас пятерых есть определенный стиль, когда мы пишем вместе», — объяснил он. В других новостях вы можете ознакомиться НМЭСписок 50 лучших альбомов 2024 года здесь.

В новом выпуске Королева: Величайшая, КоролеваБрайан Мэй и Роджер Тейлор рассказывают историю музыкальных клипов группы, начиная с их недавно переизданного и отреставрированного дебютного альбома 1973 года. В четвертом дополнении к продолжающейся серии, опубликованном сегодня на YouTube, дуэт вспоминает, как видел первое «музыкальное видео» Queen сразу после выпуска заглавного сингла с их одноименного альбома «Keep Yourself Alive». Будучи растущей группой, все еще борющейся за выступление на радио, группа стремилась воспользоваться возможностью стать платформой на BBC. «Я помню, как шел домой из какого-то места в дом моих родителей, и это должно было показать по телевизору, поэтому мы были приклеены к телевизору, и вдруг появился этот маленький поезд», — рассказывает Мэй о том, как впервые увидел «Сохрани себя». Живой» спектакль в сериале Тест на старый серый свистокв сочетании с анимационными роликами двух мчащихся поездов. «Мы были просто загипнотизированы». Хотя технически группа не снималась в клипе, это стало первым появлением их музыки на телевидении. Мэй и Тейлор помнят волнение ведущего Боба Харриса по поводу этой новой группы — знак того, что они действительно выходят на сцену. Раннее разоблачение побудило тогдашний лейбл группы Trident побудить их сделать еще одно видео - с участием группы, играющей на звуковой сцене - для "Keep Yourself Alive". Однако теперь, когда Мэй и Тейлор познакомились с видео, которое им понравилось, у них теперь были более высокие стандарты. «Когда мы увидели готовый результат, мы его возненавидели», — вспоминала Мэй. «Почему-то все это стало настолько хорошо освещено, что выглядело очень клиническим, в нем не было никакой атмосферы. Это выглядело так, будто мы были манекенами на сцене – это совсем не было похоже на рок-н-ролл. Queen знали, что им нужно занять определенную позицию, чтобы сохранить свой стиль. «Мы подняли немного шума, будучи не по годам развитыми мальчиками», — делится Брайан Мэй. Они попросили изменить освещение и постановку, чтобы перенести свою эстетику от поп-группы к рок-группе. Этот шаг оправдал себя, и слушатели быстро приняли видео как официальную версию. Однако группа все еще не была уверена, как музыкальные клипы впишутся в их работу. «В то время мы действительно думали, что визуальный элемент должен сыграть свою роль, но мы не осознавали силу короткого видео как рекламного инструмента», — объясняет Роджер Тейлор. «Но позже, когда мы снимали видео «Bohemian Rhapsody», нашей идеей было сделать это видео». Хотя видео «Bohemian Rhapsody» ни в коем случае не было первым музыкальным видео, сегодня оно широко считается первым рекламным видео — клипом, активно используемым в альбомном цикле. Заказать Королеву Королева I сейчас.